"Trump's attack on the Pope could mark the beginning of the end for the President" claims modernist theologian

Historian of religions Faggioli has extensively studied the relationship between Christianity and the MAGA phenomenon: "With the invective against Pope Leo XIV, the unimaginable has become part of everyday life. The triggers were the Pope's calls for peace and multi-lateralism. Now the religious right will realize that it has been used by the president."

"Trump's attack on the Pope could mark the beginning of the end for him"

"A historical paradox." This is how Massimo Faggioli defines the Trump administration's stance toward Leo XIV. "The first American Pope must propose a vision of the world radically different from the one currently being promoted by the United States. Leo does so not to protect the interests of the Holy See but in the name of a community much broader than Catholics themselves: he speaks on behalf of all human beings sacrificed in wars and trampled in their dignity. This is the Vatican DNA, which each Pontiff interprets in his own way. For Robert Prevost, this interpretation has made him a target of the head of the White House," emphasizes the historian of religions, professor of ecclesiology at the Loyola Institute of Trinity College Dublin, after nearly two decades spent in the US. This experience has allowed him to delve deeper into the relationship between Christianity and the MAGA phenomenon, a topic he dedicates his latest essay, "From God to Trump: Catholic Crisis and American Politics," published in Italy by Morcelliana. Despite being an astute observer of Trumpism, Massimo Faggioli was nevertheless surprised by the tycoon's anti-Leo tirade. "By now, however, the unimaginable has become part of everyday political life," he emphasizes.

Professor, what is the reason for such a direct attack on Pope Leo?

The trigger was the interview given Sunday night by Cardinals Blase Cupich, Robert McElroy, and Joseph Tobin—who also authored the letter against the Administration's immigration policies on January 19—on "Sixty Minutes," the most-watched television program in America. The real causes, however, are the Pope's strong and repeated calls for peace and multilateralism.

One of the key themes of the Pontificate from the beginning, as it had been for Pope Bergoglio. Why is Trump intervening now?

Francis didn't worry the US president too much. It was easy to dismiss his teaching as the "eccentricity" of a Pontiff from Latin America—a part of the world of little importance to the tycoon—incapable of understanding the United States. Leone, on the other hand, is an insider: he was born and raised in Chicago, and is part of US culture. Moreover, precisely because of his origins, Robert Prevost has sought throughout 2025 not to become the "anti-Trump," encouraging local bishops to speak out on national issues. This is what the three cardinals' intervention reads like. Since the beginning of 2026, however, the administration's policy has veered markedly neo-colonial, from Venezuela to Cuba, from Gaza to Iran. Faced with this shift, the Pope felt he could no longer remain silent, starting with his speech to the diplomatic corps on January 9th. Hence Trump's attack. A move that likely marks the beginning of his political demise.

Really? For what reason?

Trumpism has returned to power thanks to an alliance between religious conservatism—Catholic and Protestant—and the so-called "techno-right," personified by Silicon Valley magnates, from Elon Musk to Peter Thiel. Over the past year and a half, however, the domestic balance of power has shifted dramatically in favor of surveillance, defence, and artificial intelligence gurus, who are less interested in defending traditional values ​​or curbing migration than in controlling the world and its resources. The "techno-right," now in charge, has a religious agenda, albeit a profoundly anti-Christian and anti-Catholic one. It considers the planet expendable to allow a few to go to Mars, is obsessed with the quest for immortality, and believes in the cult of strength. Its exponents are the great-grandchildren of Nietzsche, who considered Jesus a loser. The Pope, of course, speaking from the Gospel, has put his finger on the wound.

But is Trump's decline really conceivable?

The tycoon is a survivor. He escaped a conviction for a coup, an assassination attempt, and various defeats. By attacking the Pope, however, he has violated the last taboo in the eyes of the religious right, which is realizing it has been exploited by Trumpism.

How might some Catholics in prominent positions in the Administration, like Vance and Rubio, react?

Vance and Rubio are vying for the post-Trump era, without knowing how or when – whether after the mid-term elections or in 2028 – the succession will take place. Unlike Rubio, Catholicism is central to Vance: his conversion coincided with his entry into politics. It is no coincidence that he has often sought to build ties with the Vatican, with Pope Francis or Cardinal Leone. It will not be easy for him, therefore, to stay out of the fray. The intellectual elite of the right, within which the influence of Catholics has grown, finds itself in a particularly awkward position. Once the initial shock has passed, it may decide to rebel.

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