Shocking revelation that Catholics are Monarchists and Monarchists are Catholics

How the Habsburgs and Viktor Orbán form a political symbiosis

Several members of the Habsburg family are committed to the Hungarian Prime Minister, some in official positions. This also fits ideologically.

Catholic, revisionist, illiberal – and suddenly politically relevant: In Viktor Orbán's Hungary, the Habsburgs are celebrating an ideological comeback. Two family members are official ambassadors, one of whom writes books about the "Habsburg way of life," the other gives lectures to politically far-right associations. And the Hungarian Prime Minister is enthusiastic: "We think alike."

Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán relies on Habsburgs as diplomats and cultural champions

We are "on the same side again" and going "into the same battle" as eight hundred years ago, Orbán enthused. This can be read in the foreword to the book "Do You Speak Habsburg?", published in 2023. According to Orbán, this "superb" book was written by Eduard Habsburg, the Hungarian ambassador to the Vatican and something of a noble cultural champion.

A book for Orbán's worldview

His book reads like a conservative manifesto in seven rules: on family, faith, and "responsibility for subordinates." Catholicism becomes a life strategy, and the monarchy is praised. Habsburg calls modern developments in the West, such as same-sex marriage, "absurd." He recommends Catholic dating agencies and advises: "Wait to be intimate until you're married!"

The former ruling family stands for "timeless things like family and faith," writes Eduard, a great-great-great-grandson of Emperor Franz Joseph and Empress Sisi. But they are not waiting for a return of the monarchy, writes Habsburg. He immediately adds in parentheses: "Or are they?"

Ambassadors of the Past

Eduard Habsburg is not the only one in Orbán's diplomatic service. George Habsburg, grandson of the last Emperor Charles I, is also part of Hungarian foreign policy – as ambassador to Paris. There, he represents not only the government but also its policy: In 2019, for example, in a lecture to the far-right Austrian Landsmannschaften (Austrian Landsmannschaften), he declared that the Visegrád states should form a "political counterweight to Brussels."

The political bias is no coincidence; it runs in the family, so to speak. Otto Habsburg, head of the family until 2007, signed the so-called Marburg Declaration in 2009, which claimed the "totalitarianism" of the LGBTIQ movement – in response to its criticism of conversion therapy. Otto expressed "infinite respect" for the Austrofascist Engelbert Dollfuss. And he criticized US policy during his lifetime for the fact that "the Anglo-Saxons, i.e., the white Americans," no longer played a role.

His son, Karl Habsburg, has a somewhat different agenda. Today, he is active in foreign policy for Ukraine, is a good friend of investigative journalist Christo Grozev – with whom he also founded several companies – and was a supporter of the Russian dissident Alexei Navalny. In sociopolitical terms, however, he was remembered for comparing the abortion drug Mifegyne to the death penalty in 2002.

Prayers for the Blessed Emperor

Karl Habsburg officially rules out a return of the monarchy. And yet he wrote the foreword to a book by US historian Charles Coulombe, which deals with the "Blessed Emperor Charles," his grandfather. Coulombe openly advocates for a Habsburg restoration, laments the liberalization of Western societies since 1968—and asks whether Europe can regain its "soul."

The US author is active in the Kaiser Karl Prayer League, which operates worldwide and campaigns for the canonization of the last emperor, who died in Madeira in 1922 at the age of 34. The following year, the idea of canonization was floated by the conservative politician and later Federal President Wilhelm Miklas. The fight for this goal continues to this day, with the active support of some of his descendants. Among them, for example, author Eduard Habsburg and his son Paul, who, according to LinkedIn, worked as an intern for the Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ) and is now an investment banker.

The two regularly attend symposia and events honoring Emperor Karl, as does his granddaughter, Anna Galitzine. She, too, is active in the arch-Catholic movement and the highly controversial World Congress of Families, which lobbies against LGBTIQ rights. The "Princess" made a major appearance there in 2017, when she spoke about Emperor Karl as a great role model for Catholic family policy. The venue was Budapest. None of the Habsburgs mentioned responded to inquiries from the STANDARD.

Make Hungary Great Again

The stage on which Orbán poses today with the descendants of the emperors of the Austro-Hungarian Empire is not a private one, but part of a historical production. Orbán's affinity with the old "Greater Hungary" emerges again and again: During Hungary's EU Council Presidency in 2011, a carpet depicting the Habsburg Empire of 1848 was placed in the entrance area. In 2020, Orbán wished high school graduates success on Facebook – with a photo of a globe showing Hungary within its pre-1920 borders. In 2022, he posed with a football scarf that also bore the image of "Greater Hungary."

To understand where this comes from, we need to take a look at Hungary's history. Historically, his allusions to the earlier, much larger Hungary seem paradoxical. Hungary had a long, contentious relationship with the Habsburgs. After the death of King Ludwig II in the 16th century, the northwestern part of Hungary fell to the Habsburgs. Most Hungarians were dissatisfied with this, feeling oppressed by them. Even after the Compromise of 1867, with the proclamation of the Dual Monarchy, Hungary did not become a sovereign state independent of the Habsburgs.

The turning point came with the end of the First World War: Regions such as Czechoslovakia and Croatia seceded, and territories went to Slovenia, for example. With the Treaty of Trianon, signed in 1920, Hungary effectively lost two-thirds of its territory. Millions of ethnic Hungarians became minorities in neighboring countries. For Orbán, Trianon is now a political tool. "The narrative of loss is deeply rooted in the national consciousness," says Zsolt Enyedi of the Central European University. "Orbán projects greatness onto his own nation to show: We are more important than the world believes."

He also uses this symbolism to mobilize against "Brussels." The former narrative of "Hungary against Vienna" is becoming "Hungary against the EU." The message: Hungary is being oppressed by external powers and needs a strong leader, explains Enyedi.

At the same time, Orbán is politically integrating Hungarian minorities abroad. More than a million people in Romania and Serbia have now been granted Hungarian citizenship. "More than 90 percent of Hungarians abroad who vote vote for him," says Enyedi. For Orbán, they are part of his expanded nation and loyal voters.

Guardians of "Central Europe"

This is where the Habsburgs come into play. With Georg von Habsburg as ambassador, Orbán lends historical continuity to his policy. He no longer portrays Hungary as a victim of the Habsburgs, but as an equal partner of a former great power. This is a powerful image for conservative voters, as Orbán presents himself as the guardian of a "historic Central Europe" and skillfully incorporates the symbolism of the monarchy into his narrative.

He combines this strategy with a clear message: Hungary should become "great" again – not through new border demarcations, but through a confident national identity and Christian values. It should stand united against "the West."

Just recently, on July 26, Orbán emphasized this again in his speech at the Bálványos Conference: There, he presented his "grand strategy" for Hungary – based on the "trauma of 1920." His goal: Hungary should become "nágy" again – not great in the geographical sense, but "great." He spoke of six key questions for the country's future: where its people come from, its resources, its capital, knowledge, internal defense, and its say in Europe. He aims to implement this vision with family policy, a clear demarcation from the "decadent West" – e.g., LGBTIQ discrimination – and a strict anti-immigration stance.

And the Habsburgs? They provide the appropriate foundation for this policy: the appearance of historical grandeur and continuity.

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